How Wrocław brought to life the most radical opposition movement in the Polish People’s Republic
Jolanta PAWNIK
‘The first issue of Fighting Solidarity: A Journal of the Underground Solidarity Movement was published in Wrocław in June 1982. While some readers viewed it as just another independent publication that circumvented censorship, it quickly became apparent that the new title was created by groups seeking to give the anti-communist opposition a more resolute character. The publication date of the inaugural issue was later deemed the symbolic start of the Fighting Solidarity (Solidarność Walcząca), one of the most pronounced underground organisations operating in communist Poland’, writes Jolanta PAWNIK.
.The paper was designed from the outset to have a role beyond just providing information. It was a political declaration as well as an attempt at defining a new language of the opposition against the communist state. From its very first issues, the journal published articles explaining why underground movements should take to the streets, organise demonstrations and refuse to negotiate with the authorities. In the piece titled ‘If we want to live’, Kornel Morawiecki wrote about the obligation to protect the weakest and the importance of maintaining solidarity in the face of repression. Other texts argued for the necessity of continued resistance and of setting up structures outside the remit of the state. The article ‘Why Fight?’ contended that society needed to oppose the authorities in order to ‘win, protect the weakest and those suffering from poverty, hunger and imprisonment, reinstate citizens’ and nations’ violated rights, resist enslavement and remain true to the traditions of our Forefathers’.
For the circle gathered around Kornel Morawiecki, free speech was one of the most important tools of resistance. Even before the imposition of martial law, Morawiecki had co-founded the Biuletyn Dolnośląski, one of the leading opposition periodicals published beyond the reach of censorship. After 13 December 1981, however, he came to believe that the situation called for a new organisation – one that would adopt a more unequivocal stance towards the communist regime and articulate more radical political goals.
At the time, intense debates were taking place within Wrocław’s opposition movement over its future strategy. Some activists believed that the priority was to preserve the underground structures and minimise the risk of further repression. Others were convinced that the movement should continue to mobilise society for active resistance, even if this meant organising demonstrations and openly confronting the authorities. Kornel Morawiecki belonged to the latter camp. When disagreements arose over the organisation of further street protests, he left the Regional Strike Committee and began building a new political force.
The first issue of Fighting Solidarity was therefore not only the beginning of a new publication but also the first step towards a different way of thinking about resisting communism. Even the movement’s name had a symbolic meaning. Fighting Solidarity activists stressed that their aim was not merely to help the underground survive or gradually expand liberties, but rather to regain full independence and dismantle the system imposed by the Soviet Union.
This was one of the key features that set Fighting Solidarity apart from many other opposition organisations. Articles published by the movement repeatedly expressed the conviction that communism could neither be reformed nor tamed, because it was founded on violence and the subordination of society to the state. Its activists also drew far more heavily than most opposition groups on the traditions of the Polish Underground State and the Home Army. The symbol of Fighting Solidarity was deliberately modelled on the emblem of Fighting Poland, underscoring the continuity between the wartime resistance and the struggle against communist rule.
Independent circulation of information remained the movement’s most important field of activity. Newspapers, leaflets, books and programme statements were printed to be subsequently distributed in workplaces, churches and private homes. The underground press was intended not only to break the state’s monopoly on information but also to foster a sense of community among those who believed that, despite the repression, it was still possible to continue operating beyond the authorities’ control.
Fighting Solidarity soon began developing structures beyond Wrocław. By the end of 1982, the organisation had already established presence in Upper Silesia and Gdańsk, among other places, and in the following years expanded to Poznań and Warsaw. Of particular importance was the movement’s Eastern Department, which in the late 1980s made contact with opposition activists in the Soviet republics and smuggled underground publications and printing equipment across the eastern border.
The authorities of the Polish People’s Republic regarded Fighting Solidarity as one of the most dangerous opposition movements. Kornel Morawiecki was a prime target of the Security Service, yet he successfully eluded capture for years. It was only in November 1987, after a lengthy surveillance operation, that he was finally apprehended by the secret police. A few months later he was forced to leave the country but returned to Poland shortly afterwards and once again became involved in underground activity.
.During the last years of the Polish People’s Republic, Fighting Solidarity grew increasingly distant from certain opposition factions willing to negotiate with the communist regime. The movement condemned the Round Table agreements and urged a boycott of the 1989 elections. Following the democratic transition, Fighting Solidarity no longer played a significant political role, although many of its members later participated in public and social initiatives.
