Ukraine

Will we recognise Russia as a normal state after the war, as we did Germany at the Munich Conference, or will we draw a line beyond which crimes are not tolerated? asks Prof. Jacek CZAPUTOWICZ

Russia can only be changed—or saved from itself—by eliminating its capacity for re-imperialisation. And this can only be done by reducing Russia’s territorial capabilities, says Professor Andrzej NOWAK in an interview with Mikołaj CZYŻ.

En misant mal sur le futur vainqueur, la France peut perdre un énorme marché de la reconstruction de l’Ukraine après la guerre.

The answer to the question, is Russia a terrorist state, depends on what one means by “terrorism,” and how that accusation can be proven.

Can we make Russia accountable for the crime of aggression? – ask prof. Kevin HELLER

Once the war ends, we will face the challenge of helping to rebuild Ukraine. This is necessary for the development of our entire region.

The world must seek out-of-the-box solutions. Only in this way will we be able to head off the dangers of a domino effect. By changing the geometry of geopolitics, Ukraine has given us hope today

The ancient Romans used to say si vis pacem, para bellum, in other words “If you want peace, prepare for war”. However, this Latin adage conveys not only the basic doctrine of the art of war, but also the principle that guides Narodowy Bank Polski when taking its anti-crisis measures.

The providers of huge funds feeding Putin’s war machine still lecture Poland on the rule of law and pretend to see no difference between the defence against the migrants invading the EU from Belarus and the help offered to Ukrainian refugees. 

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów) was a state that existed in the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries and was inhabited by Lithuanians, Poles, Belarussians and Ukrainians.

On the 3rd of May each year the Poles celebrate the anniversary of the passing of their 1791 constitution, the first such document of its kind in Europe and only the second in the world. 

Jan ROKITA: Notre patrie historique commune

The war in Ukraine looks like a fight between an autocracy and democracies but it is not an ideological war. Primarily it is an attempt of Russia to revise the outcomes of the Cold War and re-establish an empire.

Putin came for Georgia, came for the Crimea, has come for Ukraine. Does anyone seriously think that if he were to succeed in Ukraine, his imperial ambitions would simply stop there?

Many of the factors identified by social scientists as driving anti-immigration attitudes – unfamiliarity, security concerns, “non-deservingness” – simply do not apply to the current case of Ukrainian refugees

Prague has shown it can engage in serious gestures of support of Ukraine; now, it will need to prove it can do high politics.

Over the last two weeks two million people have left their homes in Ukraine and crossed the border into Poland. Each week a million refugees, mainly the elderly and women with children, have poured into my country. The poor of this world are fleeing from soldiers who shoot at women and children, at hospitals, at schools and housing estates and who bomb Russians’ blocks of flats.

Over three million Ukrainians have fled their country following the Russian invasion. This is the biggest displacement of people in Europe since World War II. Poland has accepted more than 2 million refugees.

L’incapacité à évaluer correctement le communisme et à apprécier la signification du passé a fait que les signaux d’alarme indiquant que Poutine se préparait à la guerre ont été ignorés.

The lack of a proper assessment of communism and appreciation of the past’s importance led to the warning signs being ignored.